I. Facts
1. CLS was refused
recognition by UC Hastings under an anti-discrimination policy prohibiting
discrimination on the basis of race, gender, religion and sexual orientation.
They were banned because their bylaws limited membership and leadership to
students who affirmed CLS’s statement of faith which included beliefs about the
diety of Jesus and Biblical standards of sexual conduct. Thus, they were banned
from campus because their bylaws excluded students on the basis of religion and
sexual orientation.
2. However, after the
litigation, Hastings announced that its actual
policy for recognized student groups was a so-called
"all-comers" policy, one that required all student groups to allow
any student to be a member and to seek
leadership positions. So at least in theory the Hastings Democratic Student
group could not limit membership to democrats, the Minority Law Students could
not exclude White Supremacists from membership, and the CLS could not limit
membership to Christians who affirmed the CLS's doctrinal statement.
3. I don’t know why
they did this, but in litigating this case CLS stipulated that the Hastings policy currently in
effect was the "all-comers" policy, which, if properly enforced,
applies the same standard for recognition to every student group. There is a
selective enforcement issue in the case-but lets hold that for the present and
focus on the how the Court analyzed the "accept all comers" policy
under the First Amendment.
II. Law
1. Nonpublic Public Forum Rule: When a state university decides
to create what is called a "non-public forum" for student groups
to meet on campus, the First Amendment permits the University to impose
restrictions on access so long as the restrictions are "reasonable and viewpoint
neutral." So, for example, only
student groups are recognized and permitted access to the University's limited public forum. A non-student group-for
example the Lincoln Rotary Club-would not be eligible to meet in the limited public forum. In this case, under the "all comers" policy, access to the limited public forum was for student groups who adopt an all comers membership policy. Moreover, under the "all comers" policy, only student groups that were open to "all-comers" were allowed access. This renders the policy a non-public forum under forum analysis (as in Forbes).
Issue: Is the policy
under which CLS was excluded both reasonable and viewpoint neutral?
2. Freedom of
Expressive Association [remember the Boy Scouts case]
--From Wooley: "We
begin with the proposition that the right of freedom of thought protected by
the First Amendment...includes both the right to speak freely and the right to
refrain from speaking at all." 430 U.S. at 714.
--In Hurley, Justice
Souter compared the idea of speaker autonomy--the right of the speaker to shape
her "expression by speaking on one subject while remaining silent on
another" (515 U.S. at 574) to that of a composer of a musical score who
selects which notes to include and which to exclude.
-in Dale v. Boy Scouts: "The freedom at
issue here has both affirmative and negative aspects. The affirmative aspect is
the right of the expressive association to select leaders who will communicate
the organizations beliefs....The
negative aspect is the right not to be associated with [leaders whose] ideas
and beliefs the organization does not
wish to endorse."
The First Amendment
Right of Expressive Association thus includes the right to exclude any member
or leader whose presence in the group ""affects in a significant way
the ability of the group to express those views, and only those views [right
not to speak], that it intends to express."
Is David Duke or
another known-supporter of the KKK a
good spokesperson/leader/representative for the ideas sought to be advanced by
the NAACP? If a law were passed forbidding the NAACP from excluding someone
like David Duke from a leadership position in the association, would it impair
the NAACP's ability to clearly express its message of racial equality and
racial tolerance?
Should a GLBT youth
organization be free to exclude Pat Robertson from a leadership position
because of his conservative beliefs about the sinfulness of homosexuality?
III. Which Body of Law
Applies
1. CLS argued that
Hastings' decision to exclude it should be evaluated under both forum rules and
freedom of expressive association rules.
2. But the Court held
that its "limited-public-forum precedents supply the appropriate framework for assessing" CLS’s
First Amendment rights.
3. If I have two free speech rights that arguably apply to a particular case, may government require me to choose between those two First Amendment rights? In other words, may government tell CLS that if it wishes to be part of a limited public forum for student groups it must forego its right of expressive association and agree to admit atheists and others who don't support its doctrinal beliefs to be members and even leaders of the group? If it must admit non-Christians as members and leaders, is it still the Christian Legal Society?
4. The decision to apply only the nonpublic
forum rules was critical, because if the expressive association test had been applied CLS had a slam dunk
case--the "accept all comers" policy facially denies recognized
student groups the right to exclude members and leaders who do not share
the beliefs the group exists to express!
5. Under the limited [nonpublic]
public forum rule, the issue was whether the "all comers" policy was
both reasonable and viewpoint-neutral. The majority concludes that it is both.
But is it reasonable to require a group to admit members and leaders with views that are totally at odds with the views the group wishes to express and with those it wishes not to express? Is it reasonable to impose an all comers policy that "affects in a significant way
the ability of the group to express those views, and only those views [right
not to speak], that it intends to express?"
I'm with Justice Alito's dissent. What do you think?
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