Something to look forwarsd to--free speech in public schools:
The web log for Prof. Duncan's Constitutional Law Classes at Nebraska Law-- "[U]nder our Constitution there can be no such thing as either a creditor or a debtor race. That concept is alien to the Constitution's focus upon the individual. In the eyes of government, we are just one race here. It is American. " -----Justice Antonin Scalia If you allow the government to take your liberty during times of crisis, it will create a crisis whenever it wishes to take your liberty.
Something to look forwarsd to--free speech in public schools:
We have two leftovers from last class to attend before moving on:
1. I will reserve the first 15 minutes of class for Q & A on the Ministerial Exception (the church autonomy doctrine)
2. Last time, I accidentally skipped over Cuomo. So let's spend 15 minutes discussing Cuomo and Covid restrictions.
Then we will move on to the next assignment:
7. Trinity Lutheran (Link); Espinoza (notice Justice Thomas's concurring opinion in particular) (link); The Next School Choice Case
Video 14
The Court did not decide the Free Speech issue in this case. But Justice Kennedy's majority opinion did say this much:
The freedoms asserted here are both the freedom of speech and the free exercise of religion. The free speech aspect of this case is difficult, for few persons who have seen a beautiful wedding cake might have thought of its creation as an exercise of protected speech. This is an instructive example, however, of the proposition that the application of constitutional freedoms in new contexts can deepen our understanding of their meaning.
One of the difficulties in this case is that the parties disagree as to the extent of the baker’s refusal to provide service. If a baker refused to design a special cake with words or images celebrating the marriage—for instance, a cake showing words with religious meaning—that might be different from a refusal to sell any cake at all. In defining whether a baker’s creation can be protected, these details might make a difference.
What are your thoughts? Do custom wedding cakes express any ideas? Or are they no different from a biscuit or a croissant?
Luke Goodrich reports:
#BREAKING: The Supreme Court just ruled UNANIMOUSLY that Philadelphia can’t shut down a Catholic foster-care ministry because of its religious beliefs about marriage. Some will try to say the ruling is “narrow.” Wrong. Five reasons this is HUGE:
1. It is UNANIMOUS. This sends a powerful message that religious Americans are free to serve. They don’t have to change their basic beliefs about marriage and family in order to join hands across faith lines and serve the neediest in society.
2. It shows that the infamous Smith decision--which narrowed the Free Exercise Clause--is not long for this world. There are at least 5 votes, likely 6, to overrule it. It’s only a matter of time before the Court restores even stronger protections for religious freedom.
3. It adopts a rigorous test even under Smith. It says if a law lets the government make any case-by-case “exceptions,” even theoretically--which many laws do--the law is subject to strict scrutiny. This means gov't will have far less flexibility to restrict religious practices.
4. It rejects the idea that constitutional protections go out the window when the government is entering “contracts” or managing “internal affairs.” This means the constitution applies rigorously across ALL government activities.
5. It adopts a robust (correct) version of strict scrutiny—expressly rejecting the idea that the government can cite a general interest in “equality” or “dignity” to trump religious freedom.
And this from Roger Severino:
The most important line in Fulton: “The question [] is not whether the City has a compelling interest in enforcing its non-discrimination policies generally, but whether it has such an interest in denying an exception to CSS.” To which the court answered with one voice, no. 1/4
This means generalized interests in sexual orientation and gender identity discrimination laws cannot automatically force individual religious orgs and people to act contrary to their beliefs. This is huge. 2/4
The constitution requires space for people of good will to live according to their views of marriage, family, and human flourishing in their daily lives even today, when it has fallen out of favor with some woke governments. 3/4
The court didn't condemn these religious beliefs with facile race analogies because implicitly they acknowledge there's something so different, real, and unchanging in the nature of embodied human sexuality that even the liberals on the court won't call such people bigots. 4/4
And this from the Court's opinion:
"As Philadelphia acknowledges, CSS has “long been a point of light in the City’s foster-care system.” Brief for City Respondents 1. CSS seeks only an accommodation that will allow it to continue serving the children of Philadelphia in a manner consistent with its religious beliefs; it does not seek to impose those beliefs on anyone else. The refusal of Philadelphia to contract with CSS for the provision of foster care services unless it agrees to certify same-sex couples as foster parents cannot survive."
Under the conduct exemption recognized by Sherbert and Yoder, how should the the free exercise claim in Smith have been decided?
Wisconsin
argued that its compulsory education laws were compelling, because they were
designed to ensure its interest in producing literate and self-sufficient citizens.
Query: Is the state of Wisconsin holding the Amish to a standard it fails to meet itself? What should we do if we learn that, say, Milwaukee Public Schools are graduating students with poor reading and math skills? Or that many recent graduates of the public school system are on public assistance? Should we order the public school system closed and require families to educate their children in private schools that have better results of producing literate and self-sufficient citizens?
2. Casebook p. 1794-1804
The most plausible reading of the original Establishment Clause–based on its text, the history leading up to its enactment, and legislation enacted by Congress–is that Congress could not establish a national religion, could not enhance or interfere with state establishments, and could not establish religion within exclusively federal domains. A purely “jurisdictional” reading that Congress could have established religion within federal domains is mistaken. Actions by the First Congress under the Constitution do, however, suggest that its members did not have an expansive view of what measures were “respecting an establishment of religion.”
Because any jurisdictional aspect of the Establishment Clause that protected state establishments had vastly diminished in significance by the time of the Fourteenth Amendment, that clause, as well as the Free Exercise Clause, has sensibly been incorporated against the states–assuming that incorporation of other clauses of the Bill of Rights is appropriate. The modern Supreme Court’s treatment of the scope of the religion clauses cannot be justified on originalist grounds, whether one concentrates on the original understanding of forbidden practices at the time of the adoption of the Bill of Rights or the original understanding of forbidden practices when the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, but the latitude with which the Supreme Court has departed from these original understandings is no greater than it has exhibited with other parts of the First Amendment and with other guarantees in the Bill of Rights. Whatever bases one may have to criticize the Supreme Court’s religion clause jurisprudence, it is not distinctly unfaithful to original understandings.
In a religiously-pluralistic society such as ours, although the Court has never defined "religion" as such, it has also never denied protection to any follower of any conventional religious denomination or creed. Here is how one scholar describes where the Court is on the definition of religion:
"For now, all we can say is that the constitutional definition of religion remains unsettled. It certainly includes conventional religion, as the Founders assumed it would. It might--or might not--also include a broader set of moral beliefs and practices that are not conventionally religious."
Should secular moral beliefs, such as environmentalism, egalitarianism, and feminism, be included as religions within the meaning of the First Amendment?
If "feminism" is a religious worldview within the meaning of the First Amendment, would the Establishment Clause forbid feminism from being endorsed in public schools and state universities? Some would argue that secular moral beliefs should be protected under the Free Exercise Clause as part of the "free exercise of Religion" but not subject to the restrictions of the Establishment Clause? But the word "religion" is used only once in the First Amendment ("Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof") so how could the exact same word mean one thing for Free Exercise and something else for Establishment?
1. Because we hold it for a fundamental and undeniable truth, "that Religion or the duty which we owe to our Creator and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence." The Religion then of every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every man; and it is the right of every man to exercise it as these may dictate. This right is in its nature an unalienable right. It is unalienable, because the opinions of men, depending only on the evidence contemplated by their own minds cannot follow the dictates of other men: It is unalienable also, because what is here a right towards men, is a duty towards the Creator. It is the duty of every man to render to the Creator such homage and such only as he believes to be acceptable to him. This duty is precedent, both in order of time and in degree of obligation, to the claims of Civil Society. Before any man can be considered as a member of Civil Society, he must be considered as a subject of the Governour of the Universe: And if a member of Civil Society, who enters into any subordinate Association, must always do it with a reservation of his duty to the General Authority; much more must every man who becomes a member of any particular Civil Society, do it with a saving of his allegiance to the Universal Sovereign. We maintain therefore that in matters of Religion, no mans right is abridged by the institution of Civil Society and that Religion is wholly exempt from its cognizance. True it is, that no other rule exists, by which any question which may divide a Society, can be ultimately determined, but the will of the majority; but it is also true that the majority may trespass on the rights of the minority.
We turn first to the question whether the disqualification for benefits imposes any burden on the free exercise of appellant's religion. We think it is clear that it does. In a sense the consequences of such a disqualification to religious principles and practices may be only an indirect result of welfare legislation within the State's general competence to enact; it is true that no criminal sanctions directly compel appellant to work a six-day week. But this is only the beginning, not the end, of our inquiry. For "if the purpose or effect of a law is to impede the observance of one or all religions or is to discriminate invidiously between religions, that law is constitutionally invalid even though the burden may be characterized as being only indirect." Braunfeld v. Brown. Here not only is it apparent that appellant's declared ineligibility for benefits derives solely from the practice of her religion, but the pressure upon her to forego that practice is unmistakable. The ruling forces her to choose between following the precepts of her religion and forfeiting benefits, on the one hand, and abandoning one of the precepts of her religion in order to accept work, on the other hand. Governmental imposition of such a choice puts the same kind of burden upon the free exercise of religion as would a fine imposed against appellant for her Saturday worship.
Nor may the South Carolina court's construction of the statute be saved from constitutional infirmity on the ground that unemployment compensation benefits are not appellant's "right" but merely a "privilege." It is too late in the day to doubt that the liberties of religion and expression may be infringed by the denial of or placing of conditions upon a benefit or privilege. ...To condition the availability of benefits upon this appellant's willingness to violate a cardinal principle of her religious faith effectively penalizes the free exercise of her constitutional liberties.
Becket Fund provides information about religious liberty cases currently before the Court:
WASHINGTON – Last year, in a range of cases concerning COVID-19, college campuses, the federal no-fly list, and foster care, the Supreme Court repeatedly strengthened religious liberty. In the upcoming 2021 Term, which opens October 4, the Supreme Court will have the opportunity to protect rural families and their children’s access to religious private school education, prisoner’s comfort of clergy in the death chamber, and goat-herding nuns from mandated abortion coverage in their insurance plan.
In Carson v. Makin, the State of Maine has a religious access discrimination problem. It provides funding to students in rural parts of the state who want to attend a secular elite prep school in another part of New England—or even overseas—but it won’t do the same for those who want to attend religious private schools down the street. Becket’s brief argues that this type of religious discrimination is unconstitutional because states can’t punish families and children for choosing religious schools. The Supreme Court agreed to hear the case in July of 2021 and oral argument is expected in late 2021 or early 2022.
In Ramirez v. Collier, a condemned man is asking for his pastor to pray for him in the death chamber. The State of Texas has refused to allow John Ramirez’s pastor to pray aloud for Ramirez, or hold Ramirez’s hand in prayer, in the death chamber. As one of the oldest religious exercises in human history, allowing clergy to assist the condemned at the moment of death is at the heart of religious liberty. Becket filed a friend-of-the-court brief in support of Ramirez’s emergency application at the Supreme Court last week. That application was granted and the case was scheduled for argument before the Court on November 1.
In Diocese of Albany v. Emami, nuns are back at the Supreme Court. This time, an order of nuns that provides healthcare services is among a coalition of religious groups fighting a New York state abortion mandate that would force them to cover abortion in their health plans. The mandate does have a narrow religious exemption—except Jesus himself wouldn’t qualify because Jesus served people of all faiths. That’s a problem for the Carmelite Sisters because they perform social work for people of all faiths. Becket and the law firm Jones Day have filed a petition to the Supreme Court, and a decision to take the case could come as early as October 8.
A few of you have told me you are getting confused by how many tests the Court seems to use for the Establishment Clause. I think this is the result of cases like Agostini, and Helms, and Zelman (and Zobrest and Witters),
But notice these cases were all decided under the (now) two-part Lemon/Agostini purpose and effect test. The discussion of neutrality plus indirection is just a way of demonstrating that none of the laws upheld in these cases had the effect of advancing religion or endorsing religious indoctrination. Everybody got secular remedial education, every deaf child got a sign-language interpreter, every low-income student in the failing public school system got a voucher, and so on. It is the same test applied to different factual situations. Rather than be confused, look for the pattern which should help you understand all of these cases.
Let's start class today focusing on this.
McConnell/Posner Economic Analysis of School Choice – Views k-12 education as a benefit to each child (not to their parents). Each person (each child) receives one government-paid education at the school of his or her choice; each person then pays a lifetime of taxes to repay the educational “loan.” No one is taxed to pay for someone else’s “religious” indoctrination.
Everyone receives what amounts to a government loan for a k-12 education and everyone pays a lifetime of taxes to pay back that loan.
See An Economic Approach to Issues of Religious Freedom, Michael W. McConnell & Richard A. Posner, 56 U. Chi. L.Rev 1 (1989)