Sunday, May 30, 2021

Prof. Michael McConnell on Executive Orders, DACA, and the Constitution

 Executive actions are often controversial, with members on both sides of the political divide crying foul when Congress is circumvented.

President Obama waited to issue an executive order on immigration because, he said, he wanted Congress to act. When Congress failed to act, he issued several, including what is known as  DACA, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. Was his action constitutional?

Beyond Originalism: Lessons from History
Stanford Law School Professor Michael McConnell

President Obama waited to issue an executive order on immigration because he understood he did not have lawful authority to countermand an Act of Congress. The decision of Congress not to enact legislation a president wants is no excuse for acting unilaterally. I realize DACA has a lot of support. I support the policy myself, and hope Congress enacts it in some form. Children brought to this country by their parents, and raised in this country, are very sympathetic candidates for admission. But the Constitution gives Congress, not the President, the power to make and to amend the laws. If President Trump called on Congress to change the environmental laws and Congress refused, this would not give Trump power to dispense with enforcement of the laws by executive action.

 

Can you tell us about United States v. Texas and how it relates to DACA?

The Texas case involved an order issued by President Obama on behalf of a larger and different class of person unlawfully present in the United States, but the legal arguments were essentially the same as there are with DACA. The Court of Appeals in the Texas case concluded that the DAPA order exceeded presidential power, and the Supreme Court affirmed by an equally divided vote. DACA presents the same legal issue.

Is there ever a constitutional justification for unilateral action by a president on matters such as immigration?

Certainly. The President can take unilateral action when he is authorized by law to do so. Presidents have very broad powers under the immigration statutes. President Trump’s moratorium on travel from certain Muslim-majority countries was a unilateral exercise of power delegated to the President by statute.

Why do we have executive orders—and when are they constitutional and when are they not?

Executive orders are written directives from the President exercising authority he has been given either by Congress or the Constitution. The fact that a presidential directive is called an “executive order” is of no legal significance. The President has no additional power by virtue of issuing an “executive order” as opposed to any other means of communication.

Link 

 

President Obama argued that DACA  was within Executive Power “based on the well-established legal principle of prosecutorial discretion, deployed by Democratic and Republican presidents alike.”

But prosecutorial discretion is usually based upon individualized circumstances and DACA  granted temporary legal status (and certain benefits such as work permits) to 800,000 undocumented individuals who arrived in the United States as children.

Is this faithfully executing the laws or is this legislating public policy?

What are your thoughts?

Friday, May 28, 2021

Kermit Gosnell's Babies: Slavery, Abortion and the Masks of the Law

 Here is a link to a CLE I did for the 2020 virtual Nebraska State Bar Annual Meeting on  Slavery, Abortion and the Masks of the Law:

https://use.vg/jQuD5eSlavery, Abortion and the Masks of the Law

I am not assigning this. It is just something I was privileged to have the opportunity to do, and I share it for those who might be interested. It is related to our discussion of slavery and Dred Scott next week, but again I am not assigning this. Of all the many talks I have given, it is the one I am most proud of.

Thursday, May 27, 2021

Con Law I: Class Ten (June 2) Assignment

 Con Law I: Class Ten (June 2) Assignment:

13. Casebook p. 361-376

14. Casebook p. 407-414

Video

 https://use.vg/W9UTUU

 Zoom Session

Join from Zoom Tab on Canvas (3 to 5 PM)

 

Con Law I: Class Nine (June 1) Assignment

 Con Law I: Class Nine (June 1) Assignment:

 12.  The Federalist No. 70 (link); Paulsen Book p. 54-67; 246-251; 305-317 (executive power); Casebook p. 331-336

 

No Video

 

 Zoom Session

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Wednesday, May 26, 2021

Thursday May 26: Blog Posts

 

Zoom Recording

 Unfortunately, we had a glitch in today's recording. The recording was paused before class started, and I did not notice until about half-way thru the class. Sorry. There is still a lot of good stuff there, but just the first part of Zoom class did not get recorded.

Roberts in Sebelius: Passage to Discuss

 Here is a passage from casebook p. 172 that I would like you to think about:


The reach of the Federal Government’s enumerated powers is broader still because the Constitution authorizes Congress to “make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers.” Art. I, §8, cl. 18. We have long read this provision to give Congress great latitude in exercising its powers: “Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the constitution, are  constitutional.” McCulloch, 4 Wheat., at 421. 

 Our permissive reading of these powers is explained in part by a general reticence to invalidate the acts of the Nation’s elected leaders. “Proper respect for a co-ordinate branch of the government” requires that we strike down an Act of Congress only if “the lack of constitutional authority to pass [the] act in question is clearly demonstrated.” United States v. Harris, 106 U. S. 629, 635 (1883).

 

Do you think the Court should read the enumerated powers so permissively by bending over backwards to demonstrate "proper respect" for Congress? If Congress wins and gains power, who is on the losing end of this distribution of power?


One more passage: "This case concerns...powers that the Constitution does grant the Federal Government, but which must be read carefully to avoid creating a general federal authority akin to a police power." 

So, which is it? Do we read the powers of Congress permissively or carefully?  How does necessary and proper fit in this paradox?

.

Tuesday, May 25, 2021

Wednesday May 25: Blog Posts

 


Commerce Clause and the 10th Amendment

Art.I, section 8:

The Congress shall have power....To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes

10th Amendment:

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

The relationship between the Commerce Clause and the Tenth Amendment is like a Grantor of real property who conveys away a present estate and retains some kind of reversionary interest. What the Grantor does not convey away he retains.

Notice there is a huge difference between national power to "regulate commerce among the several states"  and to "regulate anything that substantially affects interstate commerce."

The former is a 10-year lease that leaves the Grantor with a very substantial reversionary interest. The latter is a Fee Simple Absolute that leaves the Grantor with nothing or next-to-nothing.

Do you see this? This is where the rubber meets the road in terms of delegated national power and reserved powers of the states and the People.

Notice also that when the Court is deferential toward the Commerce power of Congress, it is necessarily non-deferential toward the reserved powers of we the people in the several states under the Tenth Amendment. To give to Congress is to take from the Tenth Amendment.

Memorial Day: Next Monday May 31

 So, I was wrong about Memorial Day. The Law College is closed on Monday May 31 and we will not have class. That leaves us a bit short on what I had planned for our Zoom discussions. So, please plan for an extra half hour on Wednesday June 2. I had also planned for a Q & A session on next Thursday (June 3). We will still do Q & A the last 45 minutes to 1 hour of Thursday class, but we will use the first bit of that class to finish up discussion of out assignments.

So, we have a 4-day weekend coming up this week!

Monday, May 24, 2021

Tommorow Lets Start With Our Con Con

 I forgot to get to this today. So, let's spend the first 15 minutes tomorrow doing this:

 I would like you all think about what you would do if you were a delegate from California or New York or Wyoming or South Dakota or Nebraska at the Constitutional Convention of 2021.

Our existing Constitution is about to expire and the 50 states will no longer be part of the Nation unless we can create a new Constitution that all states will be able to ratify.

What would you ask for and what would you be willing to accept in terms of the political structure of the New  Constitution? House, Senate, President, Courts?

What do you want?

What would you be willing to accept to get a deal done? But remember, you have to take the deal back to your state for ratification. And all 50 states must ratify if we are to put the Nation back together.

Blog Posts for Tuesday May 25

 







Monday May 24

 We will only get through McCulloch today. In other words, we will discuss Gibbons and Cooley tomorrow when we get to the Commerce power of Congress.

Sunday, May 23, 2021

McCulloch Blog Posts: Monday May 24





Prof. Josh Blackman: "John Marshall Law School Cancels John Marshall"

 We are reading another landmark John Marshall opinion this week, McCulloch, so this article is super relevant:  Link

Here is an excerpt:

"John Marshall has officially been canceled. The greatest jurist in American history has been summarily excommunicated. Inclusion demands exclusion. These purges will not stop with slavery. None of us are safe."

I actually think Justice Scalia is the greatest jurist in American history, but, regardless, what are your thoughts about the canceling of Chief Justice Marshall?

Should the Court overrule Marbury (and all decisions resting on Marbury) to cancel John Marshall from its jurisprudence once and for all?

Saturday, May 22, 2021

Con Law I: Class Five (May 24 2021) Assignment

 Con Law I: Class Five (May 24 2021) Assignment

 6 Federalism Electoral Votes, Equal Representation in the Senate and The Seventeenth Amendment: Read Suzanna Sherry, Our Unconstitutional Senate, 12 Constitutional Commentary 213-215 (1995) [available to print out at Hein Online]; Zywickie-Somin Debate on Repeal of the Seventeenth Amendment (link);Duncan, Electoral  Votes, the Senate, and Article V: How the Architecture of the  Constitution Promotes Federalism and Government by Consensus (link); Chiafalo v. Washington (Justice Kagan's majority opinion only) Link

7. Casebook p. 103-137  

Videos

1.  https://use.vg/cvyNm7

2.  https://use.vg/Zl1Seu

 

 Zoom Session

Join from Zoom Tab on Canvas (3 to 5 PM)

Monday May 24: Blog Posts on 17th Amendment & Electoral Federalism

 


Con Law I: Class Eight (May 27 2021) Assignment

 Con Law I: Class Seven (May 26 2021) 

Assignment

 11. Casebook p. 221-247

 

Videos

 https://use.vg/Q9h8ut

 https://use.vg/BJppQH

 

 Zoom Session

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Con Law I: Class Seven (May 26 2021) Assignment

 Con Law I: Class Seven (May 26 2021)

Assignment

Casebook p. 171-203; South Dakota v. Dole (link); Rotunda, The Spending Clause (link

Video

 
Note:  (two classes on this video--break comes around 43:15 mark; keep video running until second class starts): Sebelius & Spending Power
 
 

 Zoom Session

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Me on the Twelfth Amendment and Electoral Voting


 

2016 Presidential Election Map By County (source NY Times)

 https://www.nytimes.com/elections/2016/results/president

 

Click on the County Map on left side of NYT page

Friday, May 21, 2021

Con Law I: Class Six (May 25 2021) Assignment

 Con Law I: Class Six (May 25 2021) 

Assignment

 8. Casebook p. 137-149; Wickard (link)  

 9. Casebook p. 149-171


Videos


https://use.vg/UOHJEp


 Zoom Session

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Video: Prof. McConnell on Free Speech on Campus

 I am not assigning this. But it is an important part of the Law College's mission statement to encourage inclusive leaders in the law. So, if you are interested in learning more about campus free speech, you might enjoy this panel discussion.

The entire panel is wonderful, but McConnell's comments are special and begin around the 47-minute mark.

Universities & the First Amendment

Wednesday, May 19, 2021

Originalism and the Death Penalty

 Yesterday, I was asked a good question--whether there are any results required by an originalist reading of the Constitution that I dislike as a matter of policy. I gave a few examples, but I want to share one more. 

As a matter of public policy, I oppose the death penalty. I am pro-life, and I don't think the state should ever sanction the taking of human life. And for me, that includes even those convicted of murder.

However, as Justice Scalia pointed out in our readings, the Written Constitution does not prohibit capital punishment.

So, as a legislator, I would vote to repeal the death penalty; but as a Justice, I would accept that it is perfectly constitutional.

Now, on to justiciability and cases or controversies!

Monday, May 17, 2021

Why Is Campus Free Speech so Important?

Stanford Law Prof Michael McConnell made this truly remarkable assessment of why campus free speech is so essential in speech he gave to a Fed Soc Chapter. Conservative viewpoints are often the target of campus censors, and McConnell was reacting to student concerns about that reality of life in academe. Here is what he said:

"You are not the victims. [McConnell told Fed Soc students.] And I don't have a lot of patience with whining.

Yes it is unfair. Yes it can be painful. But you've been through the refiner's fire. You don't go a day in your education without being challenged about the nature of your assumptions--why do you believe what you believe. And you don't go a day in your education without having to figure out how to communicate with people who don't necessarily share your presuppositions. You are getting the finest education that young lawyers can get.

The victims of this one-sidedness are your liberal and progressive fellow students, who can go through an entire education without ever having their precious beliefs challenged, and without needing to learn how to make a real argument--to make [logical] arguments instead of [merely shouting] 'check your privilege,' which I think is left-wing ideology-speak for 'shut the hell up.'

And there is one other set of victims, and that's society as a whole, because universities and especially law schools are raising the leadership class of our country, and I fear that we are raising a generation of people who either do not understand or do not believe that there are two, and often times more than two, legitimate points of view, and who believe that disagreement is something that can be suppressed. I think this is a major reason for the much-lamented extreme polarization that we are already seeing in our political culture."

That is a truly profound analysis by one of the major First Amendment scholars of this generation. Inclusive leaders in the law reject censorship and welcome  respectful debate in a wide-open university marketplace of ideas.

Free Princeton Webinar on "Free Speech, Cancel Culture, and Viewpoint Diversity on Campus"

 Just passing this on for those who might be interested:

"Free Speech, Cancel Culture, and Viewpoint Diversity on Campus"--a Zoom webinar featuring Randall Kennedy, Flora Champy and Stuart Taylor. Hosted by the James Madison Program. Thursday, May 20, 6:00 pm Eastern Time. Free of charge. Registration required:

More information:

Universities are supposed to be institutions devoted to truth-seeking scholarly research and non-indoctrinating teaching. For them to fulfill their missions, basic freedoms—above all liberty of thought and expression—must be respected, protected, nurtured, and encouraged. Yet on many campuses today a climate of groupthink, intolerance, and fear undermines these freedoms. Thought and language are subjected to policing by informal, and sometimes formal, mechanisms. Fearing everything from unfair grading to full-blown “cancellation,” many students fear to speak their minds or raise questions about prevailing campus orthodoxies. Even tenured faculty members sometimes engage in self-censorship. Why is this happening? What can and should be done about it? Robert George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program, will lead a discussion of these questions featuring Princeton alumni Randall Kennedy ’77, Michael R. Klein Professor at Harvard Law School, and Stuart Taylor ’70, Journalist and President of Princetonians for Free Speech, and Flora Champy, Assistant Professor of French and Italian at Princeton University.

Registration and Accessibility

The lecture will be held via Zoom webinar. Registration is required and is available HERE(link is external).
To request accommodations provided by the Office of Disability Services, please contact the James Madison Program no later than three business days prior to the event.

Sunday, May 16, 2021

Blog Posts For Class Number 4 (May 20 2021)

 

Blog Posts For Class Number 3 (May 19 2021)

 
 
 

Saturday, May 15, 2021

Pro Tip

Make sure you watch the videos before Zoom classes. I give you the keys to the kingdom of Con Law in those videos.

Wednesday, May 12, 2021

Con Law I: Class One (May 17 2021) Assignments

 Class One (May 17 2021) Assignments

Reading

1 Casebook p. 1-37(skim p. 1-24 as background reading)

2 Casebook p.37-42

Videos

1. https://use.vg/UnSzyb

2. https://use.vg/vqxh2u

 

PLEASE NOTE: Video 2 has a pause at about the 13 minute mark (I briefly walk away) but it continues for another 40 minutes or so after that. So just keep the tape running!

 

 Zoom Session

Join from Zoom Tab on Canvas (3 to 5 PM)